Friday, January 20, 2017

Measure S

Open Thread: What are your questions about Measure S, LA’s anti-development ballot measure?

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Reposted: Jan 20, 2017


iew from the northbound 110 freeway of towers under construction in Downtown Los Angeles.
 haymarketrebel / Flickr creative commons
Welcome to Friday Open Thread, wherein we pass the mic to readers to speak up about topics of interest, distress, horror, etc. Have something you want discussed? Let us know.
In less than two months, voters across the city will decide the future of housing and other real estate development in Los Angeles. Appearing on the city’s ballot March 7 will be Measure S, which, if passed by voters, would impose a two-year moratorium on the construction of buildings that are taller or denser than what zoning codes allow. (Right now, buildings can surpass zoning requirements with special approval from the City Council—but that would change under Measure S.)
There a lot of nuances to consider and some big claims made by supporters and opponents.
Supporters say the measure would preserve neighborhood character and encourage more affordable housing. Critics say it would wreck LA’s economy and prevent the construction of badly-needed housing.
If passed, Measure S will have huge implications for LA, and we know you must have questions about it. So drop those in the comments, and we’ll find the answers. In the coming weeks, we’ll round them all up in one handy Q&A. Stay tuned.
In the meantime, explore our past stories about Measure S, which we’ve been tracking for more than a year now:

45th President of United States of America

Donald J. Trump

45th President 
United States of America 

Oath of Office
January 20, 2017



Gearing Up for L.A.’s Worst Election Ever

Column: The Regardie Report

Gearing Up for L.A.’s Worst Election Ever

Think Voter Turnout Was Bad Two Years Ago? Just Wait Until 2017

DOWNTOWN LOS ANGELES - In March 2013, the city of Los Angeles became a ballot box laughingstock when only 21% of eligible voters participated in an election featuring an open mayor’s seat. Our status as a political punching bag continued two months later, when, in the runoff, nearly 77% of the populace decided that they had something, anything better to do than choose between Eric Garcetti and Wendy Greuel.
The results were followed with resolute clucking from those in City Hall about the need to change the status quo. A shift in when Angelenos vote is coming, though because of some Spring Street machinations that won’t happen until 2020. The result is that, unless something incredibly unlikely occurs, in less than two years the 2013 election is going to look like a high point on the civic rollercoaster.  
The 2017 citywide election could give new meaning to the phrase “civic embarrassment.” How bad will it be? We’re talking The Godfather III or McCourt-era Dodgers bad, the kind of result where you shake your head in awe and wonder how something with so much potential got so messed up.
It’s difficult to predict what a mass of voters will or won’t do 17 1/2 months from now. Still, the falling turnout of the past, combined with early steps in the political process and fundraising game, indicate that we are approaching what may be the worst city election ever.
Could turnout on March 7, 2017, fall below 17%? That’s not farfetched. Given that a lack of competitive contests could lead Angelenos to think their vote doesn’t matter, might you see 15% or fewer voters hit the polls? To quote Bugs Bunny in a decades-old cartoon, “You might rabbit, you might.”
If I just compared City Hall to a character from Looney Tunes, it was purely coincidental.
Money Changes Everything
What’s the biggest reason that the March 2017 election could be a political gutter ball? The answer is Mayor Eric Garcetti.
This has little to do with how Garcetti has fared. While he hasn’t suffered the early-term face plants experienced by his predecessor, Antonio Villaraigosa, it’s hard to find any political observer who thinks hizzoner has done a fantabulous job. While Garcetti scored victories by taking important steps on earthquake preparedness and helping lead the City Hall charge to hike the city’s minimum wage, he has been dogged by crime hikes, a worsening homelessness crisis and a tendency on important matters to be quieter than a mouse wearing slippers walking on a floor made of marshmallows. 
The Los Angeles Times recently gave Garcetti a C grade in its mid-term report card, leading to the new joke: What do Mayor Garcetti and Mercedes-Benz have in common? A: They both have a C class.
However, when it comes to raising money, Garcetti gets an A+.
Documents filed with the City Ethics Commission reveal that in the first six months of the year, Garcetti raised an astounding $2.227 million for his re-election campaign, and has more than $2 million in cash on hand. He shattered the first-term reporting period record of $1.63 million set by Villaraigosa in 2008. 
Like a Dr. Seuss character, Garcetti raised money here, there and everywhere. According to Ethics Commission filings, he got the maximum individual donation of $1,400 from Eli Broad, Rick Caruso, SBE Entertainment honcho Sam Nazarian and Donald Trump (I made one of those up). He also received heavy backing from Hollywood, with $1,400 from Dreamworks partners Steven Spielberg and Jeffrey Katzenberg, talk show host Jimmy Kimmel, “Weeds” and “Orange Is the New Black” creator Jenji Kohan, and J.J. Abrams, the director of films including the upcoming Star Wars feature, which just proves that The Force is with Garcetti.
Remember that trip the mayor took to Washington, D.C. in June, right before the Police Commission announced its findings on the shooting of Ezell Ford by LAPD officers in South Los Angeles? Garcetti drew flack for it, but he also made bank, as his war chest boasts $21,800 given during June by people who live in Washington and nearby communities in Maryland and Virginia.
This is to be expected, and a big part of being a first-term mayor is raising cash so you can also be a second-term mayor. Yet while the money mountain is good for Garcetti, the downside for Angelenos comes in that his fundraising prowess decreases the likelihood of a reputable challenger entering the race. A serious opponent would force the mayor to defend his record, his choices and his leadership style. With only token candidates, he can skate.
If Garcetti had only raised, say, $158 and a crate of Go-Gurt, then oft-discussed figures such as Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas, businessman Caruso, Council President Herb Wesson or former Supervisor Zev Yaroslavsky might enter. Garcetti’s $2.227 million war chest, however, is the political equivalent of The Wall on “Game of Thrones,” and communicates to any interested foe that trying to topple the well-funded, sitting mayor would be a gargantuan, frightfully expensive and probably failed endeavor. 
For any serious candidate, the better option is letting Garcetti coast to victory, then running if Sen. Dianne Feinstein steps down and the mayor wins an open Senate seat in 2018 or gets a cabinet post in a Clinton 2.0 administration. 
The net result is that Angelenos will likely have little that compels them to the polls. If only 21% of those eligible came out in the 2013 primary when their vote actually mattered, how many can be expected to show up in 2017, when Garcetti’s re-election may be preordained?
To consider how bad things could be, go back to 2009. That year, Villaraigosa ran against eight people, the most prominent being a never-had-a-chancer named Walter Moore. Moore got 26%, and a flailing AnVil won with an unimpressive 55.7%.
Turnout was an abhorrent 17.9%, with just 285,000 voters casting ballots. Will people feel even more disconnected to the political process in 2017 then they did in 2009? If so, then a turnout of below 15% becomes viable. Gulp.
More Slam Dunks
Other factors could conspire to make 2017 the perfect storm of voter apathy. While the 2009 mayor’s race was a snoozer, that year the race for city attorney was exciting, with a newbie named Carmen Trutanich running against the early favorite, Councilman Jack Weiss. While Trutanich won and eventually disappointed many, during the election he was a breath of fresh air, an outsider raging against the machine candidate. In that race, people felt their vote mattered.
Speaking of the city attorney, current officeholder Mike Feuer is also part of why more Angelenos on March 7, 2017, will probably watch reruns of “Law and Order” than vote. Feuer by most accounts has performed well since winning the job in 2013. With a solid rep and nearly $400,000 raised so far, he’s also not likely to draw a serious challenger. Heck, he may not draw any challengers.
There’s another citywide race, a re-election for Controller Ron Galperin, but this won’t do a thing for turnout, in part because most Angelenos still have no idea what a controller is.
The eight city council races should be equally uninspiring. All the slots are now held by men comfortably positioned for re-election, and each is likely to receive big money backing from traditional labor and business supporters. Unless one of these pols emerges at the center of a scandal involving cash, a donkey, a bathtub full of Jell-O or all three, they will likely face only minor challengers. And minor challengers, as we have learned in class today, don’t bring out the voters. 
If all goes right, this will be the last terrible Los Angeles election. After 2017, the city electoral cycle will align with federal and state ballots in June and November of even-numbered years. Having more people vote in general should boost turnout and stop the city’s downward slide.
That, however, is five years away. Right now, the big question is, will we fall below 15%?
© Los Angeles Downtown News 2015

Thursday, October 29, 2015

Kevin De Leon Scores A Winning Grade

OCTOBER 23, 2015

                 

 BY THE LOS ANGELES TIMES EDITORIAL BOARD

                     
When Kevin de León took over as president pro tem of the California Senate a year ago, he inherited a bruised legislative body plagued by crisis and scandal. Two senators had been indicted for corruption. A third had been convicted of perjury and voter fraud and had stepped down the previous month. And a fourth had been arrested for driving under the influence after drinking with other legislators on a Capitol balcony.
The Senate bureaucracy was in disarray too. Two of the three top staffers had just left amid allegations of nepotism and favoritism. The third, top Senate administrator Greg Schmidt, was retiring. De León was welcomed to his new job by a $3.5-million structural deficit in the Senate’s budget. One of his first actions was to lay off 39 employees. Not a great way to earn popularity points.

Today, that dark cloud over the Senate has dissipated. The bad actors are gone or rehabilitated, the top staffers have been replaced and the public has moved on. But had there been just one misstep or sniff of scandal during the year, every detail of the terrible times might have been revived. It’s to the credit of De León (D-Los Angeles) that it didn’t happen.
In fact, the upper house of the Legislature didn’t just survive, it logged a pretty good year. Senators showed a calm unified front, in sharp contrast to the chaos in the Assembly. They introduced and passed crucial bills — eventually approved by the Assembly and signed by Gov. Jerry Brown — that will have long-lasting implications for Californians, including one that ended the personal belief exemption for vaccines for public school children, and a right-to-die law for terminally ill people.

Those two bills opened emotionally charged but necessary conversations that a less bold Senate leader might have tried to avoid, especially if he was focused — as De León was — on his own potentially polarizing proposal. Among the year’s most meaningful and controversial bills was his SB 350, a far-reaching proposal to reduce carbon emissions. Although scaled back in the final days of the last session, it will still have a powerful impact on the state.
Key points have been highlighted for emphasis.
How much credit does De León deserve for the turnaround of Senate? A lot, actually. He’s shown strong leadership skills and has the right mix of confidence, energy and engagement. His experience as a legislator has served him well in his new position, which he has used to push for consequential legislation. When the right-to-die bill faltered in an Assembly committee, he was an active supporter of its reintroduction in the special healthcare session, which ultimately led to its passage.

During his four years in the Assembly and his five in the Senate, De León has held firmly to a clear and consistent goal — to lift up working and low-income Californians — that informs much of his work in the capital. The result can be seen in the bills he’s authored, such as an automatic retirement savings plan for all working Californians (it’s still in the study phase). Among them are several that address environmental issues in poor communities; a good example is SB 535 in 2012, which required a quarter of the cap-and-trade revenue in the state’s greenhouse gas reduction fund to benefit disadvantaged communities.

SB 535 typifies how De León has approached climate change, one of the state’s most pressing issues and one of De León’s top legislative priorities. His commitment to tackling the problem is especially significant given that his Latino legislative colleagues representing urban areas have in the past tended to view environmental initiatives with skepticism.
He has taken steps to make the Senate’s activities more accessible to the public, by streaming more hearings and committee meetings and holding more than 100 public oversight hearings on such topics as the May oil pipeline spill off the Santa Barbara coast and the use of psychotropic drugs on children in foster care. And he actively sought to reduce the number of unnecessary or frivolous bills coming out of the Senate this year, a practice he should definitely continue. He also banned fundraising by senators during the final months of session, an unpopular but wise decision that this page had often pushed for.

De León is still growing into the job. He stumbled in places, starting with his questionable decision to hold a glitzy and expensive party at the Walt Disney Concert Hall to celebrate his new post and ending with the Senate’s failure to tackle some of the most pressing issues during this session. Noticeably absent this year was a decision about how to deal with the upcoming expiration of the temporary Proposition 30 sales taxes, which was instead put off until 2016 or later. And two special sessions called by the governor to find funding for desperately needed transportation projects and to plug a $1-billion hole in Medi-Cal next year have so far been unsuccessful, in part because De León’s signature climate change bill sucked up so much of his attention and energy during the final month of the legislative year.

That bill too could have been handled better. Deeply ambitious — maybe overambitious — it originally had three goals: reducing oil use by half, doubling the state’s energy efficiency and requiring that the state get half of its electricity from renewable sources by 2030. He left the governor out of the loop and failed to build the coalition he needed. De León should have anticipated the pushback on a proposal to slash petroleum use so deeply in an oil-producing state, and in such a short time period. It was the moment to turn on the diplomacy to quell the fears of legislators under pressure from the oil lobby but legitimately worried about higher fuel prices and job loss for Californians. Instead, he turned on his colleagues, painting the Democratic skeptics in the Assembly as knuckling under to the oil lobby. That was a political mistake that forced him to drop the petroleum piece from the bill, and it may cost him allies in the future.

The good thing is that he’s already shown that he’s able to recognize and rectify errors in judgment. One example was his bad decision to hire security guards to give rides to senators and staffers late at night. Coming so soon after the drunk-driving incident, the service seemed to indulge politicians who couldn’t resist a drink or three. De León insisted that was not his intention, but nonetheless shut it down shortly after embarrassing news stories exposed the change.

In another example, a story by the Associated Press raised questions about the effectiveness of Proposition 39, which De León had been instrumental in getting passed. The 2012 initiative closed a tax loophole on multistate corporations and dedicated a portion of the revenue to helping public schools become more energy efficient. The story pointed out that an oversight board had been appointed long before but had yet to meet, even though millions of dollars had already been allocated to schools. De León, to his credit, pressured the board to set up a meeting as soon as it could, which it did in September.

One leadership skill he should work on: sharing the limelight with his members. His climate change bill might have fared better this year if he had broken it up into a package and put together a team of his colleagues to take some of the heat and some of the credit. What’s more, going it alone on SB 350 means he’s made himself a target for the oil industry.
But overall, De León has shown admirable maturation as both a legislator and a leader.
In him, the Senate — and by extension the people of California — have a competent leader. But he still has work to do in the second half of the current two-year session if he wants to leave a legacy worthy of an 

Thursday, May 14, 2015

LANA Endorses Carolyn Ramsay for CD4

Press Release: May 14, 2015                                                                                  
                                                                                                                                                            Contact: Armen Palyan 
                                                                                                                                                                Tel. 323-301-3101
                                                                                                                                                                lilarmna@gmail.com
                                                


                               For Immediate Release                                                                                                                                                               


Little Armenia Neighborhood Association Endorses Carolyn Ramsay for Los Angeles City Council District 4

Los Angeles, CA - May 14, 2015 The Little Armenia Neighborhood Association leadership announced that it will Endorse Carolyn Ramsay for Los Angeles City Council District General Elections on May 19, 2015. The Little Armenia Neighborhood Association is a grassroots community based organization that works hard to improve the quality of life, public safety, beautification, and cultural development in the East Hollywood Area of Los Angeles. Importantly, the Little Armenia Community is part of the Los Angeles City Council District 13 but it shares a common border with District 4 and many Armenian-Americans live in that district. According to the Political Date Inc. there are over 3,600 hundred registered voters in the Los Angeles City Council District 4.

For over 15 years Carolyn Ramsay worked in the Los Angeles Council District 4 office along with Councilman Tom LaBonge. Carolyn has dedicated her public service to work with all of the stakeholders within Council District 4, her experience coupled with her knowledge of the district makes her the right candidate to be the representative at the Los Angeles City Hall. During her public service history, Carolyn proved that she is capable to work across isles and cultural boundaries in making Los Angeles a better place. Throughout the Council District 4 communities, Carolyn demonstrated communication and work abilities to help residents and businesses thrive.

At the endorsement meeting, Mr. Harry Arutunyan president of the Little Armenian Neighborhood Association said, “we join Mayor Eric Garcetti, Councilman Mitch O’Farrell, Councilman Paul Krekorian, Council President Herb Wesson and many more leaders in supporting Carolyn Ramsay for Los Angeles City Council District 4”

The Little Armenian Neighborhood Association endorsement will encourage Armenian-American voters to support Carolyn Ramsay. Additionally, it will encourage volunteers to join and help her campaign with phone bankers and canvassers.


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